Who Protects Witold Karczewski?
Robert Zieliński, a leading investigative journalist at tvn24.pl, testified before the Warsaw Regional Court that his publication was created — and I quote — „so that nobody would want to do business with Maciej Lisowski.” At the same time, the Białystok prosecutor’s office was sweeping under the rug a case involving a USD 4.9 million bribe. Today — after nine years of investigation — the indictment is already on the court’s desk. Who held a protective umbrella over Witold Karczewski for nine years? And why has another, violent wave of operations now begun, aimed at the person who reported the case in the first place?
On April 1, 2026, the Białystok Regional Prosecutor’s Office filed an indictment with the court against Witold Karczewski. The amount of the bribe: USD 4,912,847 (source: „Business Insider Polska,” April 7, 2026). Nine days later, on April 10, the „Onet” portal published transcripts of Operation „Nevada” — a covert surveillance operation run by the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA).
Nine years. 883 times Witold Karczewski crossed the Polish-Belarusian border. Testimony from a TVN24 journalist before the court that the goal of his publication was the „professional and social isolation” of the person who reported the case.
This text is not about Witold Karczewski. This text is about who — for those nine years — was covering for him. And about why, just now, when his conviction is drawing near, all those who until now have protected him from the shadows are stepping out into the light as a tightly knit group.
„So that nobody would want to do business with him”
On October 23, 2021, the tvn24.pl portal published an article titled „Casa Nostra — PLN 1.5 million” [Casa Nostra — 1.5 mln zł] — a title deliberately evoking the Sicilian mafia Cosa Nostra. The co-authors were Robert Zieliński, Grzegorz Łakomski, and Jan Kunert. The article suggested that „PLN 1.5 million from a Justice Fund grant was transferred by the director of the LEX NOSTRA Foundation, Maciej Lisowski, to the LEX NOSTRA Law Firm — that is, a company headed by his mother, Janina Lisowska.”
Almost four years later, on September 23, 2025, Robert Zieliński appeared before the Warsaw Regional Court as a defendant in a personal-rights protection case (case no. XXV C 1046/24, presiding judge Beata Taradajczyk). His testimony during the hearing exposed mechanisms that no editorial board should tolerate.
When asked about the purpose of the article, Robert Zieliński testified:
[00:27:10] „Our goal was to expose abuses. Private gain on public funds. And also to unmask a fraudster.”
[00:28:17] „And with our publication we tried to warn the public against any professional contacts or relationships of any kind with Mr. Maciej Lisowski.”
He admitted he was a co-initiator:
[01:06:28] „No, there was no order. We were the joint inspirers. We convinced the editorial board ourselves.”
And at the same time he called the subject of his article a „fraudster” — and immediately corrected himself:
[01:16:08] „Together with my colleagues we came to the conclusion that a fraudster — I want to apologize to you — that fraudsters can operate alongside any political party.”
Paradoxically, the journalist who „personally convinced the editorial board” could not remember basic facts about his own article — who wrote the headline, whether he had read the attachments to the lawsuit; he evaded questions about the NIK (Supreme Audit Office) thread, about Janina Lisowska, about the PLN 1.5 million amount. Counsel for the plaintiff, attorney Monika Lachowicz, posed a question that summarizes the absurdity of this testimony:
[00:52:18] „So which thread of today’s case did you actually deal with?”
Maciej Lisowski — many years earlier — filed a notification, the result of which is not only today’s indictment against Witold Karczewski, but also a separate investigation into espionage on behalf of Belarus and Russia. The key question is therefore: who would benefit from the professional and social isolation of Maciej Lisowski in October 2021?
Plan A didn’t work — enter Plan B
Robert Zieliński’s article shook the foundations, but did not destroy the Foundation. Therefore the operation escalated.
In December 2021, before Christmas, Maciej Lisowski was contacted by Artur Warcholiński — another TVN24 journalist — who proposed recording an interview and clarifying the situation. Maciej Lisowski agreed to the conversation.
And then Artur Warcholiński waited nine months.
No journalist who has a finished piece sits on it for three quarters of a year. Unless he is waiting for an order to deploy it. The reporter sits on the recorded material and waits — for what? For a signal that the right moment has come.
On September 7, 2022, the program „Black and White” [Czarno na białym] aired the report „A Matter of Trust” [Kwestia zaufania] by Artur Warcholiński, Grzegorz Łakomski, and Robert Zieliński. The date is no accident. The broadcast gave Andrzej Voigt a pretext and a media weapon for an attempted takeover of the LEX NOSTRA Foundation.
The pattern is legible: media attack → material as leverage → attempted institutional takeover. Each step was a logical continuation of the previous one.
The trigger man of the highest services
Who is Andrzej Voigt — the man whom TVN24 chose as a „credible source” in the report on the LEX NOSTRA Foundation?
WSI Verification Report (Macierewicz, 2007)
Andrzej Voigt appears in the report as a co-founder of the company „Dom Polski — Towarzystwo Handlu Międzynarodowego” (October 23, 1992), established at the initiative of Lt. Col. Brodniewicz (codenames: „BURSKI,” „GRZEGORZ”), an officer of the Second Directorate of the General Staff of the Polish People’s Army — that is, military intelligence. The company’s purpose: to take over Polish Cultural Centers abroad — in Berlin, Minsk, Prague, Vienna, and Düsseldorf.
Two versions of the surname
In the WSI Report he appears as „Voigt” (without an „h”). In other documents — „Voight” (with an „h”). Two versions of the same surname is a classic signal of special-services circles.
Lies on TVN24
Andrzej Voigt claimed on air that he was „removed from the foundation when he discovered embezzlement” and that „no one has access to the balance sheets and income statements of Lex Nostra because they are in Lisowski’s safe.” This is a demonstrably gross lie. Since 2013, the LEX NOSTRA Foundation has been a Public Benefit Organization. By force of law, its substantive report, balance sheet, and profit-and-loss statement are mandatorily published on the website of the National Freedom Institute and are publicly available. Any citizen — at any time — may consult them.
Conviction
Andrzej Voigt was convicted by judgment of the Warsaw Regional Court, Criminal Division (case no. II K 195/22, 2023) for misappropriation of a vehicle belonging to LEX NOSTRA and for causing PLN 85,000 in losses. The penalty imposed: a fine of PLN 5,000. Without an order to repair the damage.
Connections
Andrzej Voigt has many acquaintances in former-services circles, and his close, personal relationship with General Marek Dukaczewski (former head of WSI) places him at the very center of the operational network of the former Military Information Services (WSI).
The three-phase pattern is complete: (1) media attack (Zieliński, October 2021) → (2) television material as leverage (Warcholiński, September 2022) → (3) attempted hostile takeover (Voigt, 2022). Each stage made use of the results of the previous one.
Moldova — a Russian sphere of influence
In 2016, after stepping down as Head of the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), Paweł Wojtunik left Poland. Officially — as „High Adviser of the European Union to the Government of the Republic of Moldova” (Dziennik.pl, January 19, 2017). He himself declared: „In 2016 I declared my departure from Poland at the local municipal office and since then I have been permanently residing in Moldova” (WP Wiadomości, September 2, 2024).
Moldova is a country whose territory contains Transnistria — a separatist republic with a Russian military base. This is not Brussels and not The Hague. This is, de facto, a Russian sphere of influence.
After Paweł Wojtunik left Poland:
in January 2017, Paweł Wojtunik’s wife lost her job at the Internal Security Agency (ABW) — the Agency did not extend her leave;
his security clearances were revoked;
in 2021, charges were brought against him in connection with the „tax free” procedure (the case was later discontinued).
Currently Paweł Wojtunik sits on the Supervisory Board of PKN Orlen — a strategic State Treasury company — appointed after the change of government in 2023.
The question that demands an answer: who, at the highest level of the former special services, gave Robert Zieliński the order to „shoot”? Some claim that Paweł Wojtunik had the means, the motive, and the connections. I do not formulate this as a statement. I am asking a question that for nine years no one has publicly asked — and whose answer is owed not only to me, but to the Republic of Poland.
The chain that leads to Minsk
What began in 2016 as a notification of corruption turned out, over time, to be a much larger matter. This is not about a single bribe and a single businessman with 883 crossings of the Belarusian border. This is about a network.
Analytical materials gathered by the LEX NOSTRA Foundation — including the report „The East vs. Lisowski” [Wschód kontra Lisowski] (18 pages, 9 sections) — make it possible to reconstruct a chain in which Witold Karczewski occupies one of the final positions:
Łukaszenko → Szejman → Zingman → Aftrade DMCC → Witold Karczewski.
Aleksandr Łukaszenko — the Belarusian regime, under EU sanctions since 2020.
Wiktor Szejman — for years a key business and political operator for Łukaszenko, responsible for Belarusian commercial expansion in Africa, Asia, and Europe.
Aleksandr Zingman — an Israeli-Belarusian intermediary, founder of Aftrade DMCC, a person under OFAC and EU sanctions, detained in the Congo in 2021 in connection with deliveries of military equipment.
Aftrade DMCC (Dubai) — an intermediary company registered in the UAE free trade zone; officially engaged in the export of „agricultural machinery”; in reality documented in numerous reports as a channel for circumventing sanctions on Belarus, including sanctions on the export of arms and military equipment.
Witold Karczewski — a Polish businessman who occupies the role of the „Polish liaison” in this network. He had contacts and contracts in Kenya, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and other African countries, where the „agricultural machinery” formula was at times used as a logistical umbrella for deliveries of military equipment.
The indictment filed on April 1, 2026 concerns only the most heavily documented, most easily provable thread — the bribe. The rest of the network does not disappear. The rest of the network remains.
Białystok — a knot of power
Białystok ties together several key figures of this story: Witold Karczewski, the prosecutorial milieu, and Paweł Wojtunik. This is no coincidence — it is a knot of power, a geographic and institutional point of convergence where interests, careers, and loyalties meet.
The Białystok prosecutor’s office sent an absurd request for legal assistance to Kenya — asking the bribed official whether he had wanted to be bribed. This is not negligence. This is procedural sabotage whose only possible effect was to undermine the case.
The CBA and the Foreign Intelligence Agency (AW) were blocked for seven of the ten years of the case. The investigation into espionage was suspended on December 18, 2025. The very next day — the day after — OKO.press published an attack on Maciej Lisowski. Coincidence? Or signal?
Mateusz Sitek — the price of impunity
On May 28, 2024, on the Polish-Belarusian border, near Dubicze Cerkiewne, a soldier of the 1st Warsaw Armored Brigade — Private Mateusz Sitek — was attacked with a knife. He died on June 6, 2024 at the Military Institute of Medicine in Warsaw. Murdered by an assailant storming the Polish border as part of Łukaszenko’s hybrid operation, one element of which is the mass smuggling of people across the Polish border. Posthumously promoted to the rank of sergeant and decorated with the Cross of Merit for Bravery (Krzyż Zasługi za Dzielność) and the Gold Medal „For Merit to National Defense” (»Za zasługi dla obronności kraju«).
This is the same border that Witold Karczewski crossed 883 times. This is the same Belarusian regime with which — as the chain described above shows — Witold Karczewski cooperated along the line of „agricultural machinery” and African contracts. This is the same context that, with astonishing effectiveness, has been blocked for nine years.
Each year of delay in the investigation against Witold Karczewski is a year in which the Belarusian network could operate freely on Polish territory. The price of this delay is not only money. It is also the security of the Republic of Poland — for which Sergeant Mateusz Sitek paid the highest price.
Operation „Nevada” — who had access?
On April 10, 2026, nine days after the indictment was filed in court, the „Onet” portal published transcripts of Operation „Nevada” — a covert surveillance operation conducted by the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) against Witold Karczewski.
Operation „Nevada” is a document in itself. Years of patient surveillance. Meticulously gathered operational material — a textbook example of how the Polish anti-corruption service, when given room to work, is capable of documenting a case of this magnitude.
The transcripts of „Nevada” reveal something crucial for this story: during the years in which the Witold Karczewski case „was not moving forward,” this was not because the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) knew nothing. The CBA knew and was documenting. The blockage lay elsewhere — and not within the operational achievement of this service.
Two questions remain. Not about the quality of the operational work — that cannot be denied to the CBA. About something else:
Why did the materials of Operation „Nevada” — for years securely protected by the classification regime — become publicly available exactly nine days after the indictment was filed in court? For years they were secret. They were published at the moment when Witold Karczewski’s fate began to depend on something more than the will of the structure blocking him.
Why could the solid, documented operational material gathered by the CBA over the years not, at the same time, be translated into the procedural stage? Who — in other services and in the prosecutor’s office — saw to it that this translation did not happen?
Why now? All hands on deck
The Witold Karczewski case has been pursued and documented for nine years. The indictment reached the court on April 1, 2026. Why are all the mechanisms described above — including the TVN24 series „Holy Business” [Święty biznes] and the intensification of the attack on me as the person who reported the case — activating right now?
The answer requires understanding what Witold Karczewski’s awareness — that the ground is slipping out from under his feet — means for those protecting him. Witold Karczewski knows too much. 883 crossings of the Polish-Belarusian border. Years of contacts with Szejman, Zingman, Aftrade DMCC. Contracts in Kenya, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia involving Belarusian state arms enterprises. If the prospect of imprisonment begins to register with Witold Karczewski, it is logical that he may begin to trade his knowledge. In exchange for a more lenient sentence. For crown-witness status. For protection.
For Russian and Belarusian services this is a catastrophic scenario.
The prospect that Witold Karczewski, in hundreds of hours of conversations with Polish services, could reveal who in Poland, who in Dubai, who in Minsk, who in Moscow — becomes an existential threat to the entire network. For every intermediary, for every bank, for every shell company, for every Polish official who over the past nine years has accepted „slack” in this case.
That is why all hands on deck. Media attack. Discrediting the person who reported the case. The goal: acquittal — or at least a course of the case such that its material gives Karczewski nothing he could trade. Not because Witold Karczewski is valuable to them. Because if Witold Karczewski — under ever-greater pressure — finally cracks, they are in mortal danger. It is well known that in the East „the trade loses people.” Someone will want to erase the trail by liquidating Witold Karczewski’s principals.
This operation does not protect Witold Karczewski.
This operation protects those who, for nine years, have been protecting Witold Karczewski.
Cyrillic in an hour
On December 19, 2025, OKO.press (author: Małgorzata Tomczak) published an article about me and about the Order of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Zakon Najświętszej Maryi Panny) which I lead — a continuation of the same line of attack that began in TVN24 in 2021. Within a few hours — not days, hours — a translation of that same text appeared on Russian-language portals and in Russian-language Facebook groups. I describe this in my article „Oko.press Written in Cyrillic” [Oko.press pisane cyrylicą].
This level of translation infrastructure — capable of rendering a Polish text into Russian and distributing it across the Russian-language internet within a few hours — is not the work of spontaneous internet users. It is a ready, standby amplification channel.
Who runs it? Who pays for it? And why — out of all the texts published in the Polish media in December 2025 — was this one chosen for translation into Russian?
The same station, in its fifth year
After the September 7, 2022 report „A Matter of Trust,” TVN24 briefly stepped back from the topic. It returned in 2026 — with a new trio of reporters and multiplied intensity.
On April 7, 2026, TVN24 aired the first episode of the series „Holy Business” [Święty biznes]. Authors: Sebastian Klauziński, Olga Orzechowska. On April 11, the @tvn24.pl Instagram account named Maciej Lisowski by name. Subsequent episodes: April 17, April 19, April 21 (re-run), April 22 — „Holy Business. Missionaries from Colombia.”
The pace draws attention. In normal television production, a current-affairs series is broadcast at weekly intervals. Here — a new piece comes out every two or three days. Re-runs go on air before the premieres have even faded. Why such haste?
TVN24 devotes valuable airtime — a practice that in a normal editorial cycle would be considered wasteful — in order to repeatedly broadcast the same materials. Two goals stand behind this atypical editorial decision.
First — to put pressure on the Deputy Minister of the Interior and Administration, Tomasz Szymański, who by virtue of his office is responsible for oversight of the religious sphere. The louder the media noise, the greater the pressure on the Minister to finally deliver a statement in a narrative satisfactory to the authors of the series. The first time, when asked by TVN24 reporters, he stated on camera that the activity of the Order of the Blessed Virgin Mary is fully compliant with the law. That was not the answer they expected. Hence the renewed pressure on the Deputy Minister — louder, more often, in a new arrangement.
Second — and key — to build a media backdrop for proceedings conducted by the Border Guard in Opole. On Thursday, April 30, 2026, hearings there come to a close. Every day of delay means that the testimonies given — including the testimonies of persons in respect of whom there is reasonable suspicion that they were previously secured and paid to appear in a defined role — will be less covered by the media narrative. The LEX NOSTRA Foundation will return to this thread in a separate publication.
Forced credibility
Anna Sobolewska joined the Klauziński–Orzechowska duo in the „Holy Business” series. It is a name worth knowing.
Anna Sobolewska — a TVN Group reporter since January 2017, previously associated with „Superwizjer TVN.” Winner of the Grand Press 2018 award in the investigative journalism category and of the Andrzej Woyciechowski Radio Zet Award for the report „Polish Neo-Nazis.” In September 2025 she launched the TOK FM podcast series „Unholy” [Nieświęty] — a multi-year investigation into the laundering of PLN 8.5 billion from trade in Wólka Kosowska.
In other words — Anna Sobolewska is a specialist in human trafficking, migration intermediaries, and money laundering in the foreign-nationals market.
Exactly the profile required by the legal line for which the media campaign is meant to prepare public opinion. The actions of Border Guard officers in Opole are running precisely along that angle — facilitating the unlawful stay of foreigners in Poland and human trafficking (Articles 264a and 189a of the Penal Code). TVN24 did not pick Anna Sobolewska at random. Anna Sobolewska is to build the expert media base for the line of accusation that, in the coming weeks, is to be developed by a tasked prosecutor’s office — based on the testimony of several unlawfully detained Colombians obtained by the Border Guard in Opole. Testimony given without the participation of the Order’s legal counsel and without the participation of translators on the list of sworn translators. A ready „authority.” Ready quotations. Ready footage.
„The goal isn’t religion, it’s money”
In the „Black and White” podcast of April 11, 2026, hosted by Marcin Złotkowski, the trio of TVN24 reporters formulated the line of the series as follows:
Olga Orzechowska: „The privileges that are widely discussed in the context of the Catholic Church in fact apply to many religious associations and Churches, of which we have nearly 180 registered in Poland.”
Sebastian Klauziński: „They are essentially being created only in order to be able to make use of these financial privileges. The goal isn’t religion, it’s money.”
Anna Sobolewska: „Privileges are granted to Churches under certain conditions. No one forbids the authorities from auditing church-owned companies — it is, in fact, their duty.”
It is worth contrasting this statement with the list of beneficiaries of the Church Fund (Fundusz Kościelny). 189 registered religious associations, among them the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church, the Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession, the Union of Jewish Religious Communities, the Muslim Religious Union, the Karaim Religious Union, the Seventh-day Adventist Church. Each of them was established — according to Sebastian Klauziński’s thesis — „in order to be able to make use of financial privileges.”
Robert Zieliński, September 23, 2025 — before the court
Let us return for a moment to the courtroom of the Warsaw Regional Court. Robert Zieliński testifies that his team „convinced the editorial board” to publish, so that „nobody would want to do business” with Maciej Lisowski. That goal — from 2021 — was articulated by him himself during the hearing before the Warsaw Regional Court.
Today, five years later, three of his successors at the same station are running materials built on an identical method. Different topic. Different cast. The same goal.
The action against me and the LEX NOSTRA Foundation, which Robert Zieliński began in October 2021, has continued without interruption into its fifth year — still pursued by him and his editorial colleagues. Five years of continuity. Three successive journalistic teams. Dozens of pieces and their paid promotion on social media. What journalistic operation in the Polish media of the last twenty years has been pursued with such persistence over so long a time?
Asking ourselves the obvious question about the goal of these activities, only one answer suggests itself: the protection of Witold Karczewski, and through him of his principals. At any cost.
Preview: the second track
Everything described above concerns one track of protection of Witold Karczewski — the track running through circles of former WSI officers and current officers of the services, and through successive teams of journalists at TVN24 and OKO.press.
But there is also a second track. Parallel. Not only Warsaw-based, operating not from the building on Rakowiecka Street, but from Minsk and Moscow. A track in which it is thoroughly and solidly documented how today’s „Black and White” team obtained its „sources” for its reports — and the role in all of this of the so-called Białystok alignment, which I have already described many times before.
The LEX NOSTRA Foundation will publish crushing facts about this second track in a separate publication.
In place of a conclusion
Nine years ago I filed a notification of corruption committed by a single businessman. For nine years attempts have been made to isolate me, ridicule me, and destroy me for it. Journalists admitted to this mechanism in their testimony before the court. Persons from the upper shelf of WSI tried to take over the Foundation. The Białystok prosecutor’s office sent absurd letters. And the Central Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA) and the Foreign Intelligence Agency (AW) — despite textbook-run, solidly documented operations — for years could not bring their findings to a procedural close.
This means only one thing. During the same period, in the same state, an equally strong structure was blocking the effects of their work. It was defending Witold Karczewski. Effectively — for nine years.
What kind of structure? The answers suggest themselves. Since it had to be strong enough to paralyze, for so many years, the effects of the work of two very serious services of the Republic of Poland — it could not have been a random set of favorable circumstances. It must have been an organized, embedded structure with access to the highest levels of the state.
The presumption — which the LEX NOSTRA Foundation puts forward as a hypothesis requiring verification, not as a statement — points to the milieu of officers based in the building on Rakowiecka Street and to former officers of the Military Information Services (WSI). It is common knowledge that every significant officer of the former WSI, in the course of his career, underwent training in Moscow. During that training — most often — he was recruited by the Russian military intelligence, the GRU. At the same time, compromising kompromat materials were collected on him, intended to secure his loyalty in the future. A man with such baggage is not free. Ever.
The same alignment has its influence even within the National Prosecutor’s Office. Prosecutor Ryszard Rafalski, who is conducting the separate investigation into espionage on behalf of Belarus and Russia — an investigation directly arising from the operational achievements of the CBA and the Foreign Intelligence Agency (AW) — at the end of 2024 was pushing for its discontinuation. The change of course came only after publications in Onet. The investigation was suspended on December 18, 2025 — exactly on the eve of the publication by OKO.press of Małgorzata Tomczak’s article attacking me through the topic of the Order of the Blessed Virgin Mary.
This is no longer a question about a single journalist, a single businessman, a single local arrangement. It is a question about a structure that reaches from the former military information services, through the cadres of the civilian services, to the position of a prosecutor in the National Prosecutor’s Office. A structure — implicitly — connected with broad, multi-layered influence by Russian and Belarusian services on high-ranking Polish state officials.
It was only the publication of the Witold Karczewski case in the international forum — in the form of my article in „International Business Times” — that forced this structure to make a concession. Because this is no longer a matter of Polish affairs alone, but of the security of NATO’s entire eastern flank. That concession took the form of an order issued to the prosecutor’s office to file an indictment with the court. Which still settles nothing.
Today, when the indictment is already on the court’s desk, the same people are back in full cast. Not because they have anything new to say. Because if Witold Karczewski begins to sense that he will be convicted — given what he knows: about the 883 crossings of the Polish-Belarusian border, about the chain Szejman–Zingman–Aftrade DMCC, about the African contracts, about who in Poland, who in Dubai, who in Minsk, who in Moscow — then they are the ones in danger. And it is they, not he, who in this case have the most to lose.
That is why this structure — forced into a tactical concession by international interest — had to take a step back. A temporary step. The fight goes on. The defense of Witold Karczewski goes on. And it will go on.
The answer to the question „who protects Witold Karczewski?” ceases to be my personal matter. It becomes a matter of the Republic of Poland, of the security of its citizens and of NATO’s eastern flank.
Colonel (Ret.) D.S. Maciej Lisowski, Professor (Associate), DBA, EMBA
Director of the LEX NOSTRA Foundation
Vice-President of the Labour Party (Stronnictwo Pracy)
Expert of the Non-Partisan and Local Government Federation (Bezpartyjni i Samorządowcy) for the reform of the justice system, special services, civil rights, and oversight of state institutions
Biographical note
Colonel (Ret.) DS Professor (Associate) Maciej Lisowski, DBA, EMBA
Lawyer, economist, expert in national security, university professor, Colonel (Ret.) DS, clergyman (father), manager, columnist, social and political activist. Born in 1977. Graduate of higher studies in the fields of national security, economics, and law, as well as a graduate of postgraduate studies DBA, Executive MBA Management and Executive MBA Energy, and of more than a dozen other postgraduate programs — at seven different universities in total.
Political and public activity
Vice-President of the Christian-democratic Labour Party (Stronnictwo Pracy);
Adviser to the Board of the Non-Partisan and Local Government Federation (Bezpartyjni i Samorządowcy), expert on the reform of the justice system, special services, civil rights, and oversight of state institutions;
President of the Kornel Morawiecki Institute of Thought;
Member of the Board of the international Three Seas Foundation;
In 2016–2019 — social assistant to the Senior Marshal of the Polish Parliament (Sejm), Member of the Polish Parliament (Sejm) Kornel Morawiecki, and director of the Warsaw parliamentary office of the Senior Marshal of the Polish Parliament.
Social and professional activity
President of the Board of the LEX NOSTRA Law Firm;
Director / Member of the Board of the LEX NOSTRA Foundation — a Public Benefit Organization that for fifteen years has been carrying out activities for victims of crime, persons harmed by the legal system, and in the area of citizens’ legal education.
Media and journalistic activity
Journalist and columnist; author and co-author of books (including „Prawo i Pięść”) and numerous press publications, including in „International Business Times.” Since 2011, a permanent expert and commentator on television stations, radio stations, and in opinion-forming press and online portals.
Decorations and distinctions
State and ministerial (Republic of Poland):
„Pro Patria” Medal — awarded by the Head of the Office for War Veterans and Victims of Repression of the Republic of Poland;
Departmental and community medals and distinctions for public and social activity, and for activity on behalf of crime victims.
Community and civic (selection):
Honorary Certificate of Man of Freedom and Independence („Pamięć Jastrzębska” Association, 2013);
Distinctions from veterans’, combatants’, and patriotic organizations.
Foreign distinctions:
Insignia from, among others, the U.S. Department of Defense — the Pentagon, a Sheriff’s Office unit, and the Lockheed Martin corporation (F-35 Lightning II and F-16 programs).
Distinctions for the LEX NOSTRA Foundation (as its director and founder)
„Orła Wprost” statuette;
„Firma VIP-A 2025” statuette.